History of the European Identity

History of the European Identity Introduction: Although the concept of collective identity is a post-colonial phenomenon, a few nations would describe themselves under a collective identity before the modern times of the 19th Century. In fact, Europe is historically unique in terms that it has been the people living in the continent of Europe who have persistently described themselves as Europeans since the 17th Century (Pagden, 2002). Indeed, European Union emerged as the most important attempt for creating a supranational entity in the Continent and the best example of a Pan-European common identity as even the words Europe and the European Union are being used as synonyms by millions of people every day. Nevertheless, an uncertainty of a common identity has always been the case for Europeans throughout history and the physical as well as social borders of Europe has never been distinctly known for centuries which are full of wars, tensions, competition and blood. Today, the same problem continues to exist and many believe that it is the major factor blocking the efforts for achieving a fully integrated Europe, as the definition and frontiers of a common European identity is still unknown. Indeed, one of the most important issues of the European integration from a socio-political perspective is the vague concept of a common European identity including prospects of European Union Citizenship. Although a common European identity had been long around for centuries, these are fairly new issues in relevance to the half a century long history of todays European Union. However, I believe how the common European identity is defined is very important for the future steps of the integration process, as nowadays the EU is undergoing transformation towards a political union with an aim to become a global actor in the international political arena. What shall be the elements of a common European identity, how shall it be formulized if it is to become a suc cessful construct which would define Europe correctly to end the efforts that lasted for such a long time? I believe a triumphant common European identity must include the concrete and symbolic realities and it must be rooted to the diversity of cultures which had been created by the long history of Europe (DAppollonia, 2002). Otherwise, if it remains as a form of thin identity suggested by Habermas (2006), the problems and uncertainties of European identity as well as the poorly functioning European Union citizenship is most likely to exist in the Unions foreseeable future. In fact, a common European identity can only be successfully constructed by taking into account all the ambiguities, contradictions and developments in form of a unity in diversity principle which can be applied to the reality of Europe rather than building a shallow and artificial construct as it seems to be today. Theoretically, a united Europe in political terms is made possible if a united Europe in cultural terms is established through formulating a collective common identity which may only be conceived as a coll ection of multiple and complex values created by complicated dynamics of Europes long history. Nevertheless, a united Europe in cultural terms shall not mean a homogenous and strictly ordered European society; rather the European identity shall celebrate Europes long tradition of diversity. Another important question is how should European Union citizenship be defined and what should be the frontiers of cultural implications of such a political formulation. Considering the wide cultural diversity and long history that the individual members of the European Union had share in the European continent, a collective identity may prove to be far too complex to construct, so one may argue that a common European identity is still an illusion. Although Europeans have a successfully formed a common economic and increasingly political union, they are still far away from the desired level of cultural unity and a common identity which seems to be an alarming factor for the next stages of the European integration. Nonetheless, European Union citizenship is an area open to developments and it might be used as a critically important tool by the European Union leaders to accumulate a common European identity, only if it is formulized correctly. The critical point on the debate of Europe an Union citizenship is that the dominant Classical Model of Citizenship is based on the structures of nation-state and that is why this model cannot be applied to the European Union, as it is a whole different level of organization. On the other hand, Post-National citizenship is a modern approach to the issue of European identity and it is suitable to Europe in order to reach its goals of unification and deepening through building a stronger common identity in the 21st Century. This paper is organized in several sections. European identity from a historical perspective is analyzed in the first part; the current status of European identity and the issue of national identities in contrast to the common European identity is discussed in the following part; a new European identity and suggestions for a new formulation is given in the third part; a brief history of European Union efforts and progress on building a common identity is examined in the fourth part; and finally the aspects of European Union Citizenship is discussed in the fifth part of this paper. After all, this paper argues that a common identity in form of a collective European identity is clearly necessary for the Union at this stage of integration, and it is a crucial element for the future of the European integration project especially as our world is getting smaller as well as more fragmented simultaneously due to the complex dynamics of international relations every day at the age of globalization. European Citizenship is very much connected to the issue of European identity and it is the key to achieving such a strong common European identity when it is formulized as a Post-National phenomenon. The Europeans must derive their power from the diversity of their cultures by building a thick identity for Europe rather than a thin identity which consists of merely political rights; yet the Europeans shall not overlook the uniqueness of the Continent and the similarities they share in comparison to the rest of the world emphasized by the Unity in Diversity principle. Today, it is time for the Europeans to unite under one roof in socio-political terms, complete the long standing task of defining the boundaries of the European civilization by establishing a common and collective European identity in order to carry on the progress of the European integration project in a globalized world. Nonetheless, the question of possibilities of the Europeans to achieve such a high level of cultural as well as political unity remains a question and it is subject to a whole different level of research. However, often seen as a regional product of globalization itself, I believe the European integration project cannot progress any further without achieving a common European identity which is more critical than ever today in order to overcome the challenges of globalization in the 21st Century. Identity has always been a problematic concept because it is uncertain, fluid and highly flexible. Identity is the way to define ones self and to differentiate from the others. If taken literally, identity means equal, identical. Identity is not static but dynamic, and it can be defined in different ways in different circumstances. Identity is construct, which cannot be constructed immediately but only in time. It is not a fixed, constant and pre-given entity; while identity formation is heavily dependent on how one is perceived by the others. Identification implies belonging or membership, in turn which implies the exclusion of non-members (Bretherton Vogler,1999: 236).In other words, the sole purpose of identity is to separate self from the others in a sense. Moreover, identities are multiple in nature, or even kaleidoscopic. A person may have a single identity, but it will be made up of many levels of loyalty and identification (Von Benda-Beckmann Verkuyten, 1995: 18). Meanwhile , identities change, because they are based on perceptions, which themselves change over time and environment; as it is possible to identify ones self with more than one thing at a time such as class and gender, or religion and age. Therefore there are various elements of ones identity and these various elements in an identity may well be contradictory (Von Benda-Beckmann Verkuyten, 1995: 12). On the other hand, a collective identity means the attitudes, which all members of that group have in common in their thoughts and behavior; which differentiates them from the other (Munch, 2001: 137). Collective identities can provide existential meaning for people, thus they are primary means of unity in a society which give additional stability especially during periods of upheaval. Collective identities can generate a degree of continuity between individuals and their social environment, and can confer social recognition and approval (Von Benda-Beckmann Verkuyten, 1995: 24). Therefore, collective identities are defined mainly by culture from a historical point of view rather than biological genes, ethnicity, nationalism or simple political rights. Finally, It they are used to construct community and feelings of cohesion and holism, a concept to give the impression that all individuals are equal in the imagined community (Strath, 2002: 387). From the perspective of political scie nce; there are two types of political identities: a civic identity and a cultural identity. The cultural definition of political identity entails a sense of belonging of an individual towards a particular group which can mostly defined by its uniform cultural or ethnic values. On the other hand, the civic definition of political identity involves with the identification of an individual mostly in form of citizenry with a political structure, which includes political institutions, rights, duties and rules (Bruter, 2004: 26). Therefore, a cultural European identity implies a reference to Europe as a continent, a civilization and a cultural entity whereas a civic European identity implies a reference to the political and institutional aspects of European Union identity largely in the form of EU citizenship. Europe has always been more of a mental construct than a geographical or social entity (Lowenthal, 2000: 314). Europe has no natural frontiers both in geographic and sociological terms. Therefore it had never been easy to acquire a singular definition of European identity because the borders of Europe had always been dynamic, and no one knew where Europe started and Europe ended (Pagden, 2002). A European identity is an abstraction and a fiction without essential proportions (Strath, 2002: 387). The concept of a European identity is an idea expressing artificial notions of unity rather than an identity of equality. In this sense, the concept of European identity is inscribed in a long history of political reflection on the concept of Europe. From the perspective of history, Europe has been united as a singular entity in various settings for a number of times in its past such as the Roman Empire, the Holy Roman Empire, the Napoleonic Empire, and arguably the Nazi Third Reich. Identity was only conceptualized as a macro-level collective phenomenon by the intellectual elites of Europe; on the other hand, for the rural masses of Europe, identity was a local term associated with the micro-level, rarely the nation and never an incident as large as the continent of Europe (Pagden, 2002). In different period of history, a common European identity had been defined on different basis. In the Middle Ages, Christianity was the main defining characteristic of European identity, whereas in modern times, the emergence of the nation state, periods of nationalism and afterwards democracy and secularism has been the common characteristic of the Europeans. Meanwhile, Christianity lost its dominance yet it arguably remained as one of the important components of European identity. Today, the European Union similar to the continent of Europe can be characterized by overlapping and unclear boundaries. From a geographical perspective, the EU has fuzzy boundaries due to the ongoing enlargement processes since the 1970s (Risse, 2003: 490). Although the geographical borders of Europe are not objectively defined particularly in the east, a state without a geographical relevance to the European continent cannot become a part of the European Union, even if it shares the EUs collective values and norms. Moreover what adds to the uncertainty of Europes borders is that boundaries of the EU may change according to different policy fields such as the Schengen includes the non EU member Norway but at the same time it does not include the EU member state the United Kingdom. Therefore, first of all the lack of solid geographical boundaries weakens efforts of the EU to be seen as a singular entity by its own people (Castano, 2004). On the contrary, diversity shall be the main c haracteristic of European identity from a cultural point of view. Religious and cultural heritages including Roman law, political democracy, parliamentary institutions, Renaissance humanism, rationalism, romanticism characterize the common identity of the Europeans (Smith, 1992). On the other hand, there are undeniable socioeconomic, cultural, national and ethnic differences among the member states of the European Union. Nevertheless, this reality is reflected in the motto of the Union which is unity in diversity from a positive point of view. A collective political culture is an important feature of the common European identity. The Greeks gave Europe the science and philosophy and the Romans gave it the idea of single continent and unity which created Europes strong cultural and political origins. The diverse and multiple cultures of the ancient Europe shared a single identity as they were brought together under a common system of Roman law. The people of Europe also shared a common language, Latin, and after Europe slowly converted to Christianity they acquired a common religion. Christianity has been a crucial part of the European identity and it played a key role to create its internal cohesion and to designate its relationship with the rest of the world. Further references are made to Europes identity besides its heritage of classical Graeco-Roman civilization and Christianity; such as the ideas of the Enlightenment, Science, Reason, Progress, Industrialization, Democracy and Individualization as the core elements of this claimed European legacy (Wintle, 1996: 13-16). Hellenism, Romanticism, welfare society and cross-fertilization of diversity can be added to this list (Garcias, 1993: 7-9), while one may argue that Europes core values include its commitments to an undivided continent, to individual freedom, and to the universalism of humanity (Havel, 1996). However, this unity never reached to the point of sharing a common European culture. A single body of citizenry or a common cultural identity could not be reached even in the peak of Europes history of unity. When the differences within Europe are emphasized, they are often in the form of unity in diversity; religious differences such as Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox Christianity, and linguistic differences including Romance, Germanic and Slavic languages are obvious; yet they are seen as correlated, Catholic–Romance, Protestant–Germanic, Orthodox–Slavic, and essentially are underlying the major ethnic cleavages and conflicts in the history of Europe. Anthony Smith is among the scholars who are skeptical of the possibility of a common European identity because they could not find a common culture across the European continent, and even more critically they claim that Europe lacks of a shared set of myths, experience and symbols; these elements which they find crucial to create post-national identity (Smith, 1992: 72-73). Furthermore, Europe lacks of a shared historical and cultural content as which is the largest source of division among Europeans. Other obstacles to a common European identity include linguistic diversity and its tripartite religious division. In fact, a major difference among EU countries is the persistence of linguistic diversity, even though in practical level English has become the dominant language in Europe. Language does not only have an instrumental but also an emotional dimension and peoples sense of nationality is often tied up with their mother tongue (Guibernau, 2001: 192). On the other side of the debate, scholars such as Michael Wintle are more optimistic on the possibility of creating a European identity. Indeed, the existence of the EU identity in the form of converging education standards, educational exchanges, and the organization of a European civil society is already established in most parts of Europe. Wintle argues that a European identity was previously already created during the high Middle Age (Wintle, 1996: 19-22), and it can be easily established today considering the forces of globalization. For now, the major success of the EU in fostering its identity has been limited with the increasing free movement of people across European borders, which has accelerated since the 1985 and formalized in 1990 Schengen accords parallelly correlated with the rising impact of globalization. Increased interaction among peoples of Europe would also encourage cultural exchanges and this could foster a stronger sense of a shared community. Education and hi gh culture shall play a key role in European Unions cultural policy, because these two factors have an important effect on the creation of the EU identity. Education is obviously one of the crucial dimensions in any attempt to develop the future identity of the EU or at least more understanding and convergence among Europeans; high culture unites Europeans against the low culture which separates them. After all, the development of the EU identity will be the outcome of a long process in which bottom-up as well as top-down initiatives are likely to be employed (Guibernau, 2001: 183-184). The idea of Europe as well as the identity of Europeans are constructed over time with processes of contention and bargaining. Gerard Delanty argues that a European Culture is not an entity with cohesion and fixed boundaries, but a floppy concept, with no clear borders and with internal opposition and contradictions, discursively shaped in contentious social bargaining processes (Delanty, 1995; 1999). In other words, the images of Europe do not exist as a natural phenomenon but are discursively shaped by internal as well as external forces (Strath, 2002). A basic step in the process of creating a collective identity is to defining itself in relation to the other. Central to ones identifications are images of others. Likewise any identity, European identity necessarily contains a demarcation from the non-European. This is natural to all distinctions, and they are both inclusive and exclusive. The boundaries of Europe can only be drawn and the identity of Europe can only be realized in the mirror of others. Indeed, Europe does not exist without non-Europe and that non-Europe does not exist without Europe. Many centuries ago, the Europeans defined people living in the north as uncivilized and people living in the south as oriental (Pagden, 2002). Furthermore, the Greeks labeled the non-Greek speaking people as barbarians, even if that word would surely have a different meaning by that time. In nearer times, although the Russians shared many features with a European society including the same religion, it could not reach the formal limits of a Romanized civilization thus perceived as a barbaric empire or the orient, depending on the time. Moreover, European belief of its superiority relied on the common features of European societies such as science and liberal arts. Thus the rest of the world could only be portrayed as actors in relation to Europe, in other words always remained as the other. According to Delanty, Europe has been always invented and reinvented on the basis of division and strategy for the construction of difference from the other starting from Christian identity against Islam in the Middle-Ages, after that in the colonial politics to the New World, and to the ethnic minorities in the contemporary European Union (Delanty, 1995). Therefore, historical experience suggests that the new European identity may be constructed on the other which may be the United States, the East, Islam or the European past itself. Samuel Huntington has argued that religion provides the best common means of historically distinguishing between Europeans and the other, especially in terms of the confrontation between the Judeo-Christian tradition and Islam (Huntington, 1996). However, at the same time, the separation between Eastern Orthodox Christianity and Western variations of Christianity has, for a long time, been crucial in establishing a division between Western and Eastern E urope; partially reinforced in the Cold War, divisions between Catholicism and Protestantism and separation between North and South (Guibernau, 2001). Today, the European Union is frequently argued to be a fortress for the other and the EU is often referred to as a Christian Club, because historically all states on the continent of Europe had Christian societies. The Ottoman Empire was the greatest enemy of European states as well as Christianity in the Middle Ages; which made Islam the primary charactersitic of the other for Europeans from the perspective of history. Today, the accession dialogues of Turkey into the European Union raise wide public opposition in Europe while the European Union officials make constant efforts to prove their allegiance to non-religious, non-ethnic but solely liberal and non discriminatory Copenhagen Criteria independent from historical aspects of the other which has actually been extensively used to define the European identity. Finally, Europe is unique because it has possessed an identity as a cultural space which gave birth to political unions throughout its history. However, it has never succeed ed to constitute a single nation-state or a unified ethnic group. Although the European Union with its single currency and supranational political and legal institutions changed these historical facts to an extent, it is only possible with the means of a common European identity which will carry Europe to the next stage of integration which it always aimed but failed to achieve during its long history. Nevertheless, history has already proved that it will surely be hard to overcome uncertainties of a common European identity at the level of the masses. Over the past millennium, the advancements of European civilization gave rise to the elites living on the continent of Europe who feel increasingly attached to Europe as a whole and shared dreams of a united continent. However, Europe as a realm sharing a common history as well as a common destiny has been largely abandoned by fixed prejudices on often nationalistic and ethnic grounds. National interests and biases at local, national, and global levels have prevented the masses of European people from viewing themselves collectively (Lowenthal, 2000: 315). However, today, forces of globalization, advancements in communications technologies and media transmission of everyday popular culture now promotes the sense of being European among larger segments of society other than the European elites. Although a truly trans-European society is still in its infancy, many of its essential elements are already in place this time largely due to the forces of globalization. Most European states a re increasingly democratic in reality; their economies are for the most part market driven; their popular culture grows more homogeneous as communication technologies expand under the forces of globalization in the 21st Century (Waterman, 1999: 23). Therefore, Europe is at the stage of defining its identity today; however which criteria are being deployed to define Europe, Europeans, Europeanness and their respective boundaries is critically important. A common European identity must be constructed by defining and understanding the historical roots of outstanding features of the European society in relation to the notion of citizenship, which will be discussed in depth in the following parts; developed in the past over the land of Europe. For sure, Europe is being redefined as a result of a complex set of processes, but an important question is what sort of Europe is emerging from them? There is certainly a structured symmetry in the perception of the European Union as the coincidence of a homogenized socio-political space, a unified regulatory space of an EU super-state, a singular European civil society surpassing existing national and regional differences in culture and identity (Hudson, 2000). In some respects there has been progress towards such an ideal of European civil society. For example, the Council of Europe and the European Convention on Human Rights have had an important role in defining acceptable standards across Europe. The issue of European identity and the criteria used to denote Europeans is clearly a critical one for the political and social integrity for the European Union. Europe will exist as an unquestionable political community only when European identity permeates peoples lives and daily existence (Demos 1998). Identity is a key issue which is continuously changing and thats the reason why it is so hard to define especially in a world of f ast changes in the 21st Centurys globalization. The member states of todays enlarged EU have become multi-ethnic and multi-cultural societies with various structural phenomenon ranging from the immigrant community of France to Post-Communist yet ethnic communities of the Central and Eastern European states. As the EU expanded eastwards in the last two rounds of enlargements, the issue of defining a European identity became even more critical for sake of integrity and stability of the Union. One conception of a singular European identity would see it constructed through a process similar to that involved in the creation of national identities in the 19th and the 20th Centuries. Ironically, while the aim was to create those national identities in the past, the challenge that Europeans face today would be to transcend them for the creation of Europeannes. However, the current trends at local European level are quite different from the interests of Europeanists at the supranational level. There are pressures from nation states and their citizens to resist any further transfer of national sovereignty as well as erosion of national identity (Hudson, 2000). In fact, the success of extreme right wing political parties in important European countries such as Austria and France may be seen as a sign of the reappearance of dangerous nationalist and racist ambitions which the peoples of Europe have most probably experienced more than any other continent in the world history. Eric Hobsbawm has proclaimed that nationalism is dead (Hobsbawm, 1990). On the contrary, Llobera argues that national identities are certainly not eternal, but the time of their demise has not yet arrived (Llobera, 2003). In fact, national identities are still dominant in Europe. Recent surveys show that, people in Europe prefer maintaining their national identity and sovereignty, but increasing number of people have accepted European identity in addition to their national identities. Therefore, European nationalism is another important component of a common European identity and it has been a major ideological tool for unifying nation states as well as the Europeans as a whole throughout Europes history. To start with, the European Union, with its both intergovernmental and supranational characteristics represents a far different type of state-organization than a classical nation state. The main distinguishing characteristics of the EU from the nation-state are the absence of a shar ed language, a uniform media, common education system and a central state structure (Shore, 2000: 64). Furthermore, the powers of the EU rely on the sharing of sovereignty of its member states. European unification is a progressive method of limiting individual nation states to practice any kind of harmful nationalism and this is makes up an important part of the European identity. At this point, nationalist Euroskeptics may argue that building a common Europe and an identity for it means destroying nations. However, a general feeling of Europeanness and loyalty to Europe in a cultural sense, does not need to conflict with national identities (Andreani, 1999). A successful construct of European identity must include the concrete and symbolic realities created within time. The European states have not always been nationalist through Europes long history. The definition of nationalism counts on the idea of nation and territory; while the definition of a European nationalism depends on the historical and ideological evolution of the European nation states and aspirations for a post-national Europe. In fact, the aspirations that underlie in the roots of the foundation of the European Union are parallel to European cosmopolitanism in the 18th and the 19th centuries. From the Enlightenment to the beginning of the ECSC after the Second World War; European nationalism found two separate meanings: one as an antinational Pan-European idea of a new united Europe that limits the sovereignty of the nation states, and the other as a pro-national ideology to create or legitimate new nation states (DAppollonia, 2002). Historically, cosmopolitanism reflected intentions for a European unity, and gave rise to anti-national European nationalism. European nationalism was characterized by the will to protect the European interests and its supremacy from non-Europeans as well as protecting Europe from itself by creating a federation. It can be argued that economic development, commercial prosperity, intellectual-supremacy and military power were the factors making Europe homogeneous and created a united European identity beyond national borders to an extent. Some intellectuals as well as economists believe that the nation state is an outdated political and economic entity, and nationalism is merely an expression of old prejudiced and narrow-minded ideas. European nationalism defined itself similar to the nation state through common identity and culture, territory, historical memory building, and economic and political objectives to defend self-interests. The defensive conception of European nationalism o n the other hand had always been a driving factor, yet the pro-nationalist ideologies had been the major cause underlying the wars of modern times. As Europe was divided into aggressive nation states, the idea of Europe had increasingly converged. Although the wars were dividing factors themselves, their interpretations by the Europeanists became powerful unifying factors for Europe. The irony of European nationalism is that it depends on the memory of events that divided rather than united the continent (DAppollonia, 2002). Although it used the same definitions of nation and Europe with the anti-national European nationalism from time to time, it remained limited to the strict logic of the national framework. Transnational solidarities were necessity to establish European unity under either a supranational or an intergovernmental structure. For some intellectuals, European nationalism was the only way to protect the autonomy of nations and the liberty of the individuals. Conceptualizing of the European Union citizenship and creation of the Committee of the Regions in the EU were seen as efforts of the Pro-national European nationalists. These forms of European nationalism rejected the form of narrow nationalism while it showed ambitions to reinforce the intermediary actions between state and individual, between the individual, the market the centralizati

Civil Constitution of the Clergy

Civil Constitution of the Clergy The Impact on the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 1790 The French government completed its subordination of the Roman Catholic Church in France on July 12, 1790. The National Assembly passed the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. This was a culmination of events of the Catholic Church meeting opposition from the French government. The Catholic Church already faced the abolishment of tithes as well as nationalization of all property they used for revenue in 1789. Leading up to the actual Civil Constitution, monastic vows were forbidden. Only ecclesiastical orders that dealt with children and nursing the sick were kept intact, all others were dissolved. Motivations for these changes to the French Catholic Church are questionable. They could have been sparked by the French governments impending bankruptcy, or the tithes systems abuse. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy was a dramatic reorganization of the clergy. The number of bishops was drastically decreased from one hundred and thirty five to eighty three. Each of the new bishops and priests were required to be elected locally by their constituents, removing the popes authority over the clergys appointment. Under the Civil Constitution, the bishops and priests had to swear an oath of loyalty to the new order and the Constitution. Title II, Article XXII of the Civil Constitution states, â€Å"The bishop elect shall take a solemn oath in the presence of the municipal officers, of the people, and of the clergy to guard with care the faithful of his diocese who are confided to him, to be loyal to the nation, the law, and the king, and to support with all his power the constitution decreed by the National Assembly and accepted by the King†[1]. This swearing of the oath caused great debate. Pope Pius VI refused to accept any provisions of the Civil Constitution. Louis XVI sent numerous letters to the pope complaining that he had to publicly accept the Civil Constitution. He suggested that the Pope Pius VI appease the National Assembly and accept a few articles. On December 26, 1790, Louis XVI granted his public assent despite the Popes acceptance because of pressure from the National Assembly. The next month, administrations of the oath began, drastically diminishing the numbers of the clergy. Half of the clergy and only seven of the preexisting bishops swore an oath of loyalty. A schism was created within the Catholic Church as Pope Pius VI denounced the Civil Constitution. One side of the split took the oath and was known as the constitutional clergy. Those that agreed with the Popes denouncement became non jurors or refractory priests; they faced dismissal, deportation, and death for their actions. To understand more upon the impact of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy on the French Catholic Church one examined a few books on the subject. The first was published in 1986 by the Princeton University Press. Timothy Tackett wrote Religion, Revolution, and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ecclesiastical Oath of 1791, a four hundred and twenty five page book. Tackett is an American historian specializing in the French Revolution; he has published a few books on different aspects of religion in the French Revolution. This particular book focuses on explaining the geography of oath taking in France, which regions were most likely to take the oath and why. In Timothy Tacketts Religion, and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ecclesiastical Oath of 1791, he makes convincing arguments that many have come to respect and others that have yet to be confirmed. Tackett is able to accomplish this through his use of vast archival and printed sources. In arguing his thesis, geography of oath taking, he argues that the clergys ideology, their beliefs, denominational influences, and constituency influences, is the most important deciding factor. Tackett finds that reactions to the oath usually varied depending on the region. In an area where protestant enclaves were present, it was more than likely that the local clergy would be opposed to the oath. On the other hand, in areas where there was a presence of local Jansenism or the Cures opposed Episcopal power, he found that the local clergy tended to take the oath. Tackett understands that no argument is a strong argument without acknowledgement of the opposition. With that said, it was only right for him to mention other possible influences on the reactions to the oath. Other minor influences on the regional reactions to the oath could have also been attitudes towards the Revolution, age and social origin of the bishops. According to Tackett social origin is defined as cultural and political distance from the center of France. When discussing the importance of the Oath, Tackett says, â€Å"[it is] one of those very particular kinds of historically happenings, with the potential for sharply jolting the whole historical landscape†[2]. He did not believe that the Oath of 1791 was the only shaping factor of Frances rich history. In addition to the oath, he also credits the Churchs role in society as well as the relationship between Church and State to be the reason for the laicite seen in modern day France. Tackett comes to this conclusion by the uncanny coincidence between the regions reactions to the oath and religious practices divided by areas. Timothy Tacketts book was a helpful source in the area of clear analysis of the factors that played a role in the reactions to the Oath of 1791. Through this analytical work, the reader is able to understand the impact of the oath and ultimately how it shaped France. While helpful in some areas, Tacketts book is lacking in synthesizing his analysis with a clear conclusion. This leaves issues of the development of Frances religious history unanswered. Some of the conclusions drawn were not fully developed and some times unclear, which gives the reader the idea that he may not have fully understood the entire concept or maybe his sources were lacking in these very areas. Tackett builds up his arguments to support his thesis on the geography of oath taking, but loses momentum. The next book studied was published in 1996 by Yale University Press. The Religious Origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the Civil Constitution, 1560-1791 is a three hundred and ninety page book written by Dale Van Kley. Van Kley is an American historian who is best known for this prize-wining book. His work has focused on the contributions that Augustinian theology made to the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. He is a professor of History at Ohio State University. In the Religious Origins, Van Kley explores the diverse religious strands of Jansenism that influence political events up to the revolution, claiming that the efforts to dechristianize the French state and citizens had long-term religious origins. Van Kley shows that French royal absolutism was a product and then a casualty of religious conflict using a wealth of primary sources. He studies a great number of individual bishops and clergy, their views, and sympathies. The relevant religious conflict that he discusses is the Jansenism- related conflicts in the eighteenth century that helped to â€Å"desacralize† the monarchy along with the French Catholic clergy. This conflict was a direct contribution to the revolution because it led to parties that were of a political and religious nature. The Patriot party was a successor to the Jansenist party. The rhetoric of such parties affected the content of the revolutionary political culture. The Civil Constitution â€Å"eliminat[ed] the clergy itself as a visibly independent corps, this ideological combination hastened the interiorization of religion and the states monopolization of public functions, a tendency long evident in judicial Jansenism itself†[3]. Before the c lergy had a role in public functions, but Jansenism supported this separation of religion into the private sphere and government control of the public sphere that was made by the Civil Constitution. Van Kley, indebts the revolutionary political culture to the varieties of French Catholicism. It was strongly influenced by the struggle between rival notions of the good society. The ultra-montanist Catholicism of the Jesuits supported the sacral monarchy. However, the Jansenists favored a contractual political order. â€Å"Jansenists could have congratulated themselves that the Civil Constitution enforced Episcopal residence, instituted clerical elections, nearly nullified papal influence†¦ banished arbitrary government†[4]. The Jansenists defense of a contractual political order over a sacral monarchy seems to have led to these provisions of the Civil Constitution. This source was less helpful in exploring the topic, because it was narrowly focused. Van Kleys attitude was obviously prejudiced against the Jesuits, as he portrayed them as the leaders of sacral monarchy and the Jansenist oppression. He describes Jansenist opposition and criticism of Catholicism. His interpretation of religions influence on the French revolution was extremely limited; however, he should be praised for shedding light on the importance of religion in the French revolution. He adds a major strand to the debate on the origins of the French Revolution. Despite, its innovative addition, Van Kley limits his focus to the Jansenists role as the chief force behind opposition the French monarchy. He states, â€Å"Some if not all of the content of the Civil Constitution was the culmination of a century of Jansenist efforts at ecclesiastical reform†[5]. Jansenist position seems to be of exaggerated importance. He also seems to leave out the Catholic features of Jansenism , and more likens them to Calvinists. He demonstrates how Jansenism inspired a radical Calvinist break with Catholic discourse and worship. This book was a tough reading, with much material through primary sources. However, its focus on Jansenism serves more as giving another side to the traditional story rather than convincing many of religions influence in the French Revolution. Nigel Aston wrote four hundred and thirty five pages on the Religion and Revolution in France, 1780 1804. Aston is Reader in History at the University of Leicester. This book is a comprehensive survey of the religious history of France from the eve of the Revolution through the early years of the nineteenth century. Using a vast array of secondary materials and printed sources, Aston creates a comprehensive survey of the religious history of France. He begins his text with discussing the special privileges of the Catholic clergy as well as the principles of Gallicanism, Jansenism, and Richerism, the strains of Catholicism that would fuel the revolt of the lower clergy against the bishops of the Estates General. There were deep social and economic divisions within the clergy. Aston also notes the religious diversity in France. He writes, Geography is crucial[6] when discussing the variations in clerical density, religious fervor, and ecclesiastical revenues from province to province. Aston also includes information on the treatment alongside male clergy of women in religious orders. His second chapter analyzes the diverse beliefs and practices of the clergy and laity. He felt the French laity remained overwhelmingly attached to the Catholic faith and practice†[7]. He is rejecting the idea t hat the French populace showed signs of secularization and questions the thesis of a â€Å"desacralization† of the monarchy. Aston also includes a chapter on other denominations in the late Old Regime. The second part of his book focuses on the relationship between religion and Revolution, exclusively on Catholicism and builds on his earlier work. He blames the leaders of the Constituent Assembly for the terrible religious divisions which marked the Revolutionary period. Events would have taken a more moderate course and scores of thousands of lives would have been saved[8]if the oath was not required. Also, if the leaders would have permitted the convocation of a National Council of the French clergy to ratify the revolutionary reorganization a less radical course would have been taken. Instead the Civil Constitution of the Clergy led to a break in the church by forcing clergy to choose between the church and the state. Faced with what was crudely reduced to a stark choice between religion and revolution, half the adult population rejected revolution[9]. The last relevant section of the book focuses on the aftermath of the Civil Constitution and the official policy of dechristianization. Most native French had no choice but to put up with the changes imposed by urban-based politicians; the non compliant risked death by their determination not to abandon their Christian faith[10]. Other chapters in this section focused on how anticlericalism triggered European opposition to the Revolution more than the decision to kill Louis XVI. He also explored the Constitutional Church and Catholic opponents of the Revolution. Aston was a helpful source as it seemed to cover all aspects of religion and the French Revolution. Its broad coverage treated Protestants and Jews alongside the Catholics. This is unique as the term religion when regarding the revolution is conflated with Catholicism in most studies. This book was very readable striking a balance between synthesis and detail. However, some of Astons conclusions lack strength because opposing stances were omitted. For instance, his sole blame on the leaders of the Assembly for the schism created by the Civil Constitution underestimates the impact of Pope Pius VI. The pope was uncompromising and rejected the Civil Constitution as well as the ideals of the revolution. When researching this topic, I would have to first seek Astons source to inform me. The comprehensive study was so helpful in getting a whole understanding of the subject. Although, he did underestimate Pope Pius VIs influence in the break between the French Catholic Church, he did bring up elements not previously discussed. However he did have the benefit, of having publications such as Tacketts to elaborate upon, as well as John McManners short synthesis of 1968. From a non expert point of view this book was very readable, and had much detail and evidence to back conclusions. It explained the atmosphere before, during, and after the Civil Constitution which is useful in figuring out the implications of the Civil Constitution. However, I wouldnt use Van Kleys book again. It was least helpful in giving a whole explanation on the impact of the Civil Constitution on the French revolution. It was very one-sided, and the information was hard to understand. Only experts, with a firm knowledge on the religious influences of the Revolution would benefit from reading this source, as they would be able to understand his point of view. However, Van Kley must receive credit for being a pioneer in his subject. His work influenced many works that came after that had information on Jansenism. I just did not receive the full picture of the Civil Constitutions impact and how other denominations were concerned. More synthesis needs to be done on this topic to really get the full gist of the importance of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Van Kleys view should be incorporated with the main historical narrative of the impact of the Civil Constitution and not disregarded as Jansenism focused and therefore irrelevant. Also Pope Pius VIs influence needs to be studied. Instead of trying to argue the importance of one side of the debate, each aspect that had an impact needs to be dissected and expanded upon. More analysis of primary sources and empirical data will only be helpful to the subject. Reading these three books by Tackett, Van Kley, and Aston is a great start in understanding the impact of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Bibliography Aston, Nigel. Religion and Revolution in France, 1780-1804. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2000. Perry, Jonathan. â€Å"The Civil Constitution of the Clergy.† Hanover Historical Texts Project. 2001. Nov 16 2009. . Tackett, Timothy. Religion, Revolution, and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ecclesiastical Oath of 1791. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. Van Kley, Dale. The Religious Origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the Civil Constitution, 1560-1791. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. [1] Perry, Jonathan. â€Å"The Civil Constitution of the Clergy.† Hanover Historical Texts Project. 2001. Nov 16 2009. . [2] Tackett, Timothy. Religion, Revolution, and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ecclesiastical Oath of 1791. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. pg. vx. [3] Van Kley, Dale. The Religious Origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the Civil Constitution, 1560-1791. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. pg. 362 [4] IBID. pg. 353 [5] Van Kley, Dale. The Religious Origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the Civil Constitution, 1560-1791. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. pg. 336. [6] Aston, Nigel. Religion and Revolution in France, 1780-1804. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2000. pg. 48. [7] IBID. pg. 56. [8] IBID. pg. 161. [9] Aston, Nigel. Religion and Revolution in France, 1780-1804. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2000. pg. 162. [10] IBID. pg. 194.

Essay example --

There are others who researched on the effects of obesity on the labour market and concluded that obesity is seen as an issue of discrimination based on individual’s appearances. Hamermesh and Biddle (1994) researched on the impact of physical appearances to earnings. The purpose of this experiment is to study the labour market favoritism due to more attractive appearances. Looks were measured by using the ratings of the responders by the interviewer on their physical appearance and by using stand-earning equations. Their analysis found that the wages of below average looking workers was less than for wages that are above the average looking workers. They also concluded that women who were obese earned 12% less than an average weight. A study that was used to examine this analysis in the past was the national longitudinal survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79). This study was a sample of 12,686 young men and women who were from ages of 14 to 22 years old when they were first surveyed in 1979. They surveyed the same people except a few exceptions for the next 14 years until 1998. The purpose of the national longitudinal survey of youth in 1979 was to explore the effect of obesity on the labour market outcomes in the long term. The age distribution in this research will help study the extensive margin and the intensive margins of the labour market due to obesity. The extensive margin that this study examines are the labour market participation choice and occupation choices. The intensive margins can be the change in wages overtime throughout their work and employment changes. The conclusion they reached was that obese women earn about 12% less than normal weight women and no major effect in males earning even when they are obese. In 2004 ... ... research concluded were women overall who’s wages are significantly being affect due to being overweight and obese while this analysis finds that women’s wages are not directly due to excess weight. Another interesting result was that overweight and obese variables with different industries and occupations. This analysis showed how excess weight had negative effect on a women’s income, but only in the sales and entertainment industry for obese women only. Although it is difficult to this hypothesis but since 60% of the American population is considered overweight at least which does support the analysis we obtained plausible since that majority of the population cannot be discriminated. Even though obesity is a disease and causes many health conditions there seems to be no negative effect on income and this can be due to the improvements in health care overtime.

Essay on Hidden Conflict in Eudora Weltys A Worn Path :: Worn Path essays

Hidden Conflict in A Worn Path In Eudora Welty's "A Worn Path" the conflict was not apparent at the very beginning. What was a poor, elderly sick woman doing gallivanting in the forest during the dead of winter? The reason became clear towards the conclusion of the story as the action revealed that the conflict was obtaining the necessary medicine for her grandson. When this conflict became obvious, another question came to mind. What kind of society did this woman live in that she had to go all the way from her home in the countryside to the city by herself to get the medicine? The conflict being illustrated is that of an individual versus society and the four problems that Phoenix faces as a result of this was her old age, her health, her grandson's health and her state of poverty. "Her eyes were blue with age. Her skin had a pattern all its own of numberless branching wrinkles..." (paragraph 2).    This quotation was one of many indications of Phoenix Jackson's old age.   Normally, in society there are benefits for the elderly and thoseof the golden age. There are various organizations that help people who are over the age of sixty-five. They also provide various services towards them such as meals on wheels. Was there not someone who could have delivered the medicine to this woman of nearly 100 years of age? Perhaps Phoenix Jackson was too shy or had too much pride to ask for a service of that nature. The doctors from the medical building knew about the condition of Phoenix's grandson and did nothing to try and help. This showed the lack of respect that was present in the society. In today's society, someone of that age commands and deserves the proper respect.    "She carried a thin, small cane made from an umbrella, and with this she kept tapping the frozen earth in front of her," (paragraph 1).      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The next conflict that plagued her is that of her health. In the preceding quotation, there was one important note that   readers shouldtake into consideration. The fact that she kept persistently tapping the earth in front of her could only indicate one thing-that she was visually impaired. She may not have been completely blind, but she had to have been substantially impaired to have kept tapping her cane in a redundant manner.

Forecasting :: essays papers

Forecasting In my assignment I will forecast the third and the fourth quarter revenues of Consolidated Edison Company for the year 1996. The company’s main fields are electricity, gas and steam supplying. In the case of every company it is important to forecast the future revenues to be able to calculate the company’s expected profits. That is the situation in this case as well, so I must do my job as perfect as I can. I got the past eleven years data, from which I can analyse the whole situation and which I can use to predict for the future. To make the forecast more accurate I can use the actual quarterly revenues. Quarterly revenues for Consolidated Edison Company ($ million), 1985-1995 Year March 31. June 30. September 30. December 31. 1985 1441 1209 1526 1321 1986 1414 1187 1411 1185 1987 1284 1125 1493 1192 1988 1327 1102 1469 1213 1989 1387 1218 1575 1371 1990 1494 1263 1613 1369 1991 1479 1330 1720 1344 1992 1456 1280 1717 1480 1993 1586 1396 1800 1483 1994 1697 1392 1822 1461 1995 1669 1460 1880 1528 1996 1867 1540 Source:The Value Line Investment Survey (New York: Value Line, 1990, 1993, 1996) p.170. There are several different methods, which can be used by forecasters. For this case I will test the naà ¯ve, the moving averages, the exponential smoothing, the double moving averages, the deseasonalisation, the linear

History of Panama Canal Essay

Christopher Columbus was on his fourth voyage and he was looking for a way to China. That’s when he came across the country named Panama, which stretches only 60 miles, where he found Indians who had tons of gold. But he was looking for a way to China so he sent his brother Bartholomew to search for more gold. At first Indians were willing to lead the Spaniards to the gold, but eventually they got tired and led the Spanish back to the coast. When the Indians did this they were abused. Eventually the Indians fought back and drove of the Spanish. Balboa is one of the people who found tons of gold and sent it back to Spain, but saved a lot for himself. With his earnings he decided to Balboa decided to settle in Hispaniola as a planter. But after some time he ended up in debt and had to abandon his life as a planter. Trying to escape his creditors Balboa hid in a ship and tried to escape, from Santo Domingo to San Sebastian, and was successful. When they arrived at San Sebastian, they discovered that it had been burned to the ground. Balboa convinced the others to travel southwest with him to a spot he had seen on his earlier expedition. In 1511, Balboa founded a colony, the first European settlement in South America – the town of Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien. Balboa married the daughter of Careta, the local Indian chief. Soon after, in 1513, he sailed with hundreds of Spaniards and Indians across the Gulf of Uraba to the Darien Peninsula. Balboa headed an overland expedition west through very dense rainforests. Along the way they fought many local Indians and destroyed one Indian village, killing hundreds of Indians. Balboa was the first European to see the eastern part of the Pacific Ocean. Balboa and his men then traveled to the ocean and claimed it and all the land that touched it for Spain. The building of the Panama Canal came to light during the 1530’s. As they began to transport their riches back to the Spanish homeland, they were always interested in more efficient routes. It was suggested to Spanish Ruler Charles V that Panama might serve as an ideal place to construct a water passage joining the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. This would considerably cut the time it took to otherwise sail around the southern edge of South America. But wars back home put the idea on hold. In 1845 French company called the Compagnie de Panama wanted a railroad built by Colombia across Isthmus and administer it for 99 years. However in 1848 they couldn’t pay for it and lost their rights regarding the railroad. In 1848 the California gold rush occurred. This alone caused heavy traffic across the Isthmus of Panama. Later that year in December, U. S Company, the Panama railroad company negotiated a new contract with Bogota, Colombia to build the railroad across the Isthmus in 6 years. Part of the contract said that the trip would be guaranteed in less than 12 hours. The railroad was built and completed the journey in 4 ? hours. But Matthew Fontaine Maury, leading U. S. government scientist wrote to congress that the railroad Isthmus of Panama will lead to the construction of a ship canal between the two oceans, for a railroad can’t do the business which commerce will require it. Railroad was expensive it cost $250 in gold to ride the 47 miles. It cost 10-15 cents a pound to carry a passenger’s baggage. Express freight and merchandise was charged $1. 80 per cubic foot. Railroad Company made more than $7 million. This was too expensive for normal people and Maury’s words of 1849 came true as men from around the world began to arrive to build the Panama Canal. The first country to try and build the canal was France. Ferdinand de Lesseps, who supervised the Suez Canal, was interested in building the Panama Canal. He joined several French businessmen to form a private company with an impressive name: the Societe Civile Internationale du Canal Interuceanique du Darien. The societe sent Lucien Napoleon- Bon parte Wyse, grandnephew of the 1st French emperor, Napoleon Bon parte to Panama in early November 1876, to survey the site for a canal and, more important, to secure the permission of Colombia for such a project. Colombian government and Wyse had an agreement. That for an initial payment of nearly $200,000 as well as yearly rental fee, societe was granted permission to build and administer a canal for 99 year lease. Colombia gave societe a belt of land 200 meter wide across the entire width of Panama. However at the end of 99 years the canal and land would be returned to Colombia. In 1873 U. S. had conducted surveys of a potential route across Panama, but had rejected it. Wyes never did surveys, and decided to use the notes of U. S. surveys instead. After that he left Panama for home to report to Lesseps. The French plan was simple a channel across the Isthmus at sea level. They would follow a route that ran close to the existing Panama railroad. They planned to use the railroad to transport supplies and haul away the excavated dirt. Once the excavation had reached sea level the canal itself would be dug another 27 ? feet deep, and 72 feet deep at its bottom. They planned to complete the canal in 12 years. However the idea of sea level canal was impossible to achieve. Charges river valley, through which and canal would have to go through stood at an altitude of 80-100 feet above sea level. Nobody including de Lesseps ignored this problem and said it was not serious. However the French never finished the sea level canal. 1000’s of men died of malaria, yellow fever and other diseases. Eventually in 1889 the French court also declared the French canal company was bankrupt. In 1903 Panama declared its independence from Colombia and wins it with the help of U.  S. Soon the Hay- Bunau – Varilla treaty was signed which gave U. S. the right to build a canal through Panama. At this time President Roosevelt was in charge. Roosevelt wanted to build the canal to increase America’s navy power, and it made the trip from the east coast to the west coast of the U. S. much shorter than the route taken around the tip of South America. 1904, the Americans’ first year in Panama, mirrored the French disaster. The chief engineer, John Findlay Wallace, neglected to organize the effort or to develop an action plan. The food was putrid, the living conditions abysmal. Political red tape put a stranglehold on appropriations. Disease struck, and three out of four Americans booked passage home. Engineer Wallace soon followed. The Americans had poured $128 million into the swamps of Panama, to very little effect. Wallace’s replacement was John Stevens. Stevens had built the Great Northern Railroad across the Pacific Northwest. In rough territory from Canada to Mexico, he had proven his tenacity. And his new plan of action would ultimately save the canal. Stevens began work not by digging, but by cleaning. Thanks to the work of WILLIAM GORGAS, the threats of yellow fever and malaria were greatly diminished. Then on February 12, 1907, a dispirited Chief Engineer Stevens resigned, and Goethals took over as the chief engineer. Colonel George Washington Goethals, an Army engineer with experience building lock-type canals, assumed the Chief Engineer’s post. Demanding and rigidly organized, Goethals quickly picked up where Stevens left off. America had to face a couple of problems. First they had to dig at the Culebra Cut, where 100,000,000 cubic yards of earth and rock would have to be removed. The workers there made ten cents an hour — moved as much as 200 trainloads of spoil a day. When mudslides filled the Cut repeatedly, Goethals simply ordered it dug out again. There were accidents of all sorts, lost equipment, and deaths, but there was progress. The engineering problems were enormous. Because the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans are at different elevations, a series of three sets of water-filled chambers, called locks, that raise and lower ships from one level to the next, had to be excavated and constructed.

History †MapQuest Chapters Essay

WebQuest Chapter 19: The Pullman Strike 1. ) George Pullman explained that the benefits of having his workers living in his company town was that he believed that the surroundings would remove the workers from the â€Å"Feeling of discontent† which â€Å"Characterized the American Workman†. This would protect his company from the economic loss that the discontented worker would suffer if he was living under bad conditions. He also took the rent that was due directly out of the paychecks of his employees. 2. ) The readings do not state a dollar amount for the hourly wage. The Parable of Pullman states that the workers wages were close to subsistence level. The amount of the pay cut averaged 25% 3. ) Eugene Deb was a Locomotive Fireman. It was under him that the American Railway Union was organized in June of 1893. He was the president of the ARU. It was a single organization that represented all types of railroad employees. In August of 1893 they had had success over the Great Northern Railway in a wage cut dispute. The Pullman workers also joined the ARU. When they went on strike in May of 1894, the ARU supported the strike and it became a nationwide strike between railroads and the American Railway Union. After the strike was broken by federal intervention, Debs was jailed for six months for his role in the strike,, specifically for violating a federal injunction and interfering with the mail. 4. ) The strike ended because the ARU members had refused to work any train that had Pullman’s cars included in it. The companies purposefully attached Pullman cars to mail trains. This caused the mail to be delayed. The result was the Federal Government issuing an injunction and President Cleveland sending Federal troops to enforce it, in order to stop the mail delay. A â€Å"yellow dog† contract is a contract that a worker signs promising not to join a labor union while he is an employee of the company who holds the contract. 5. ) The appellants had been refused employment, had no viable way to leave the Town of Pullman, and their families were starving. Instead of employing these individuals, Pullman had brought in substitute workers. Governor Altgeld wrote Pullman a letter basically stating that he should bear some responsibility for the plight of those in his town. He also stated that he was going to conduct a personal investigation. He made good on his word for the investigation. 6. ) The investigations found that the letter of complaint was indeed valid. There were 1600 families that were without the basic necessities of life, such as food. The investigators also found that there were 600 new workers but 1600 old workers that were still unemployed. HISTORY PAGE 2 of 3 7. ) Pullman blamed the workers for their plight, stating that if they had not gone on strike, they would not be suffering. WebQuest Chapter 20: The Triangle Shirtwaist Fire 1. ) The workforce was mainly made up of young immigrant women. There were also men employed, and boys as elevator attendants. There were other boys and girls present during the fire. 2. ) There were a total of 146 people who died in the fire. Most of these were young women. The readings do not break out the deaths by gender. There were also men and boys who died in the fire. About a third jumped from the ledges to avoid burning to death. The rest died of burns, some at their sewing machines. 3. ) The exit doors on the ninth floor were locked, ostensibly to prevent employee theft. The one fire exit that was available was inadequate for the number of workers. The conditions existed because fire inspections and precautions were inadequate. The workers feared that if they spoke out about the conditions, that they would lose their job. Economics also played a role in why the conditions were not corrected. 4. ) The citizens of New York, from every physical and economic part of the City, demanded justice. Workers offered testimony and support. There were protests in the streets. They demanded a safer work environment. 5. ) The unions became strong after this tragedy. Many workers saw the benefit in having an organization speak on their behalf. The other legacy is the building codes and worker safety legislation that was passed after the fire. WebQuest Chapter 22: The Platt Amendment 1. ) The Platt Amendment was attached to the Cuban Constitution. The Cuban Government, with reluctance, included the amendment in their constitution. The United States was already occupying Cuba. The United States was not going to relinquish any control without the amendment in place. 2. ) The Platt Amendment was drafted by Secretary of War Elihu Root, and presented by Senator Orville Platt. It was attached as a rider to the Army Appropriations Bill of 1901. The intent was to protect Cuba from foreign intervention and allow the United States to exercise authority in Cuba if the situation warranted it. It was passed by the Senate HISTORY PAGE 3 of 3 3. ) The Platt Amendment barred Cuba from going into debt, making treaties with other nations that gave those nations any power over Cuban affairs, or stopping the US from creating a sanitation system. It restricted Cuban Sovereignty by giving the United States broad latitude of power over the domestic and foreign relations of Cuba. 4. ) The Platt Amendment was used by the United States as an excuse for intervention in Cuba in 1906, 1912, 1917, and 1920. The Platt Amendment was also used for the creation of the base at Guantanamo Bay. 5. ) The Cubans were reluctant to attach it to their Constitution. They feared rampant US intervention. Widespread criticism of the amendment and rising nationalism in Cuba resulted in President Franklin Roosevelt’s repeal of the Amendment in 1934, except for the lease of Guantanamo Bay. 6. ) Whereas the Platt Amendment specifically provided causes for the intervention in Cuba by the United States, the Teller Amendment stated that the United States disclaims sovereign claims to Cuba, and will leave control of the island to the Cubans, and will not claim jurisdiction. The two documents are in sharp contrast to one another.